These days it always raises a bit of suspicion, when companies advertise their products naming them something “Corona”. There is no crisis without crisis winners after all, and not everyone deserves to win. Do editors really need “Corona Watch”, for example? The newsdesk tool automatically evaluates important sources on the crisis situation and alerts editors and reporters via a Slack Channel. Obviously it doesn’t do so autonomously. Beforehand, the newsroom’s task is to determine sources and selection criteria.
Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet actually regards the tool as a win. Managing Editor Michael Poromaa says, it not only supports his team’s work, but also strengthens their position in the competition with other media: “Before, we were often at most the second to report new cases, now we are the first.” The alternative to using Corona Watch would be for the newsroom to constantly refresh the 21 regional health authority websites, Poromaa says.
Corona Watch was developed by Swedish company United Robots, which offers various automated solutions for newsrooms. Aftonbladet came up with the idea and it was implemented within a day, says Cecilia Campbell. Campbell works for United Robots, previously she co-managed the Reader Revenue group within World Association of News Publishers (WAN-IFRA). Whereas some journalists fear that robot journalism might cost them their jobs, many Scandinavian publishers are ready to embrace it. “News publishers want their journalists to do qualified research-based journalism,” says Campbell, who is Swedish. A variety of simple tasks, however, can be automated.
Many publishers are even convinced that automation can help the industry survive. Stefan Åberg, for example, leads a team of just two dozen journalists at the Swedish media company VK Media. It was impossible to meet all reader expectations with what this team alone could produce, he said at a WAN-IFRA conference in 2019. The solution: “We are building an army of robots.” He reported to have implemented bots for everything: weather, traffic, property sales, sports matches. Since the editorial team had begun using automation extensively, the number of digital subscribers had increased by 70 percent.
Many editorial offices are already using artificial intelligence. So far, it has played the largest role in marketing. Bots automatically offer subscriptions to readers or provide them with personalized content, for example. Some say they listen to the audience better than journalists because they can evaluate data quickly. There are even newsrooms that trust artificial intelligence more than their editors when it comes to news judgement, because at times it seems to be easier to unbias software than to unbias people. Canadian Globe and Mail, for example, use bots when feeding its homepage to ensure that content relating to minority groups is published on a daily basis. In many newsrooms automation is widely used for data journalism projects and fact checking. Others, like British Financial Times or Swedish Dagens Nyheter, use gender bots to check the gender ratio of quoted sources or pictures.
Significantly fewer media companies delegate text writing to robots. The major news agencies were early adopters, since they have to be both fast and broad. This requires lots of routine work. American AP was among the first to have robots report on quarterly company results. Where reporters used to cover a few hundred companies per quarter, robots now manage a few thousand. The Washington Post has massively expanded its election reporting with the help of AI tools.
Will newsrooms face staff cuts? It says a lot about the state of the industry that not even the unions condemn robot journalism as the devil’s stuff. Job cuts and savings programs have been around for years, the advertising crisis following the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic has sped up the decline of resources. Now it’s about saving what can be saved. The road forward for newsrooms is to do both: serving their customers with exclusive stories researched by reporters on the one hand, and provide them with popular basic reporting on the other. This includes locally adapted weather and traffic news, which no one needs years of journalism training to create. Some of these even generate subscriptions: automatically generated reports on property prices seem to top that particular list.
The sooner newsrooms consider the opportunities of AI and robot journalism, the better. Because editors and newsroom managers who know their way around technology are less likely to get sold on solutions that no one needs. After all, it’s about improving their particular brand of journalism and serving the public better. Flooding readers with ever more stuff doesn’t do the job. Before “hiring” the robots, it is helpful to think about the dos and don’ts. Former AP journalist and advisor Tom Kent has created an ethics checklist for that purpose. Note: AI journalism can only be as good as the data with which it is fed.
OXFORD – Depending on where you get your news, your view of how the impeachment inquiry into US President Donald Trump is unfolding may be very different from that of your friends, relatives, or neighbors. You may also think that any version of the story that conflicts with yours is simply untrue. This lack of consensus on basic facts – largely a byproduct of social media – carries serious risks, and not nearly enough is being done to address it.
In recent years, the need to improve “media literacy” has become a favorite exhortation of those seeking to combat misinformation in the digital age, especially those who would prefer to do so without tightening regulation of tech giants like Facebook and Google. If people had enough media savvy, the logic goes, they would be able to separate the wheat from the chaff, and quality journalism would prevail.
There is some truth to this. Just as it is dangerous to drive in a place where you don’t know the traffic laws, navigating the new digital-media environment safely – avoiding not only “fake news,” but also threats like online harassment, nonconsensual (“revenge”) porn, and hate speech – requires knowledge and awareness. Robust efforts to improve media literacy globally are thus crucial. Free, credible, and independent news media are a pillar of any functioning democracy, essential to enable voters to make informed decisions and to hold elected leaders accountable. Given this, media literacy must be pursued within a broader campaign to improve democratic literacy.
Since its invention in ancient Greece more than 2,500 years ago, democracy has depended on rules and institutions that strike a balance between participation and power. If the point was simply to enable everyone to speak up, platforms like Facebook and Twitter would be the pinnacle of democracy, and popular movements like the 2011 Arab Spring would naturally produce functioning governments.
Instead, the objective is to create a system of governance in which elected leaders bring to bear their knowledge and experience, in order to advance the interests of the people. The rule of law and the separation of powers, guaranteed by a system of checks and balances, are vital to the functioning of such a system. In short, mobilization means little without institutionalization.
And yet, today, public institutions are suffering from the same lack of trust as news media. To some extent, this is warranted: many governments have failed to meet their citizens’ needs, and corruption is rampant. This has fueled rising skepticism toward democratic institutions, with people often preferring ostensibly more egalitarian online platforms, where everyone’s voice can be heard.
The problem is that such platforms lack the checks and balances that informed decision-making demands. And, contrary to the early expectations of some Internet pioneers, those checks and balances will not emerge organically. On the contrary, tech companies’ algorithm-driven business models all but preclude them, because they amplify voices according to clicks and likes, not value or veracity.
Populist politicians have taken advantage of the lack of checks and balances to obtain power, which they often use to please their supporters, ignoring the needs of opponents or minority groups. This type of majority rule looks a lot like mob rule, with populist leaders trying to overrule legislatures and courts to fulfill the desires – often shaped by lies and propaganda – of their constituents. British Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s recent attempt to suspend Parliament, in order minimize its ability to prevent a no-deal Brexit, is a case in point.
In a democracy, all people must be able to trust their leaders to uphold their rights and protect their basic interests, regardless of whom they voted for. They should be able to go about their daily lives, confident that public officials will dedicate their time and energy to making informed decisions – and that those who don’t will be checked and balanced by the rest. Credible independent media support this process.
In Johnson’s case, the judiciary fulfilled its duty to check the executive. But with every assault on democratic institutions, accountability is weakened, people become more disillusioned, and the legitimacy of the system declines. Over time, this reduces the incentive for talented people to work in fields like journalism and politics, eroding their effectiveness and legitimacy further.
Breaking this vicious circle requires the rapid expansion of media and democratic literacy, including how the system works and who owns and shapes it. And yet, as a forthcoming study by the Council of Europe’s Expert Committee on Quality Journalism in the Digital Age (on which I served) shows, most existing media-literacy programs are limited to teaching schoolchildren how to use digital platforms and understand news content. Very few target older people (who are most in need), explain who controls media and digital infrastructure, or teach the mechanisms of algorithmic choice.
Democracies all over the world are enduring a stress test. If they are to pass, their institutional underpinnings must be reinforced. That requires, first and foremost, an understanding of what those underpinnings are, why they matter, and who is trying to dismantle them.
This commentary was published by Project Syndicate on November 28, 2019